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THE
FATAL FLAW IN SOCIAL SECURITY AND MEDICARE At the World
Money Show in Orlando during the first week of February, I asked an audience of
several hundred investors, "By a show of hands, how many of you are on Social
Security and Medicare?" Over half the audience raised their hand.
Then, I asked,
"How many of you are on food stamps?" Every hand
came down. My point was
simple. The food stamp is a social welfare program limited to the low-income
individuals and families. A family of four qualifies for food stamps only if
they earn less than $24,516 a year. There's a means test to qualify, and most
Americans attending investment conferences don't need food stamps.
On the other
hand, Social Security and Medicare are universal social insurance plans, and
there's the rub. All workers pay into the programs, and at age 65 (sometimes
earlier) they all qualify for benefits, even though most Americans can afford
their own retirement program and private health insurance. In short, both
government programs duplicate private alternatives for most Americans. Bill
Gates - and most of you reading this column - have been successful enough to not
need Social Security and Medicare. I asked the
audience, "By the show of hands, how many of you really need Social Security and
Medicare to live on?" Not a single
hand went up. But one of the
retirees responded, "Yes, but we paid FICA taxes all our lives. We earned it!"
True enough.
But the real question is: can we afford to continue such an expensive government
program? Should we pay for Bill Gates' retirement and medical bills?
The main
reason Social Security and Medicare are so expensive, wasteful and a political
hot potato, is precisely because they are universal programs, available to all
elderly citizens, irrespective of their financial status. As a result, the
number of participants and the cost of these programs rise every year. For
example, outlays for Social Security rose 47.5% in the past ten years, 67.9% for
Medicare. The number of participants climbs unabated, now exceeding 50 million
retirees. Not so with
food stamps. Because of means testing, the food stamp program has far fewer
problems. Over the past ten years, the cost to the taxpayer has been relatively
stable, despite efforts by the Department of Agriculture to sign up more people
on food stamps. In fact, the
budget and level of participation of this federal program actually declined
between 1994 and 2001. The number of food-stamp participants dropped from 27.5
million in 1994 to 19.1 million in 2001. The cost fell from $24.5 billion to
$17.8 billion during the same period. Many analysts claim the decline is due to
the Welfare Reform Act of 1996, but note that the decline began before the act
was implemented. Because of the
recent recession, however, the number of users has increased to 23.9 million at
a cost of $27.0 billion in 2004, yet still a manageable figure compared to the
gigantic cost increases of Social Security and Medicare. The following
table shows the stark contract between the food stamp program and Social
Security and Medicare. And that
brings me to the fundamental flaw and the ultimate solution regarding our two
most expensive social programs: Social Security and Medicare violate the
"welfare principle" in economics, while the food stamp program does not.
The welfare
principle forms the fundamental basis of all charitable work in churches and
other private organizations: assist those who need help, and equally important,
don't assist individuals who can take care of themselves. To do otherwise only
destroys personal initiative and independence, and encourages unnecessary
expenses and inefficiency. Imagine if the
Red Cross gave blood to everyone, whether you needed it or not. Imagine if the
Salvation Army fed everyone at Thanksgiving, and not just the needy. Imagine if
your minister decided to pay for food, rent and transportation of all members of
the congregation, not just the poor. These liberal programs would overwhelm the
charities. Think back to
the November elections, or any presidential election in the 1980s and the 1990s.
Did any presidential candidate make an issue out of the food stamp program? No.
Yet every candidate talked endlessly about the Social Security and the health
crises. Why? Because Social Security and Medicare are universal social programs,
and food stamps are not. It's time we
apply this sound economic concept to the federal government. Government welfare
programs - if they should exist at all - should be limited to those who really
need assistance. They should be safety nets, not dragnets that capture everyone
and make them wards of the state. The solution
is simple: Impose a means test on Social Security and Medicare.
No doubt if
President Franklin Delano Roosevelt had conceived of Social Security in 1935 as
a retirement plan for only the less fortunate who could not plan ahead
financially, it would be a relatively inexpensive welfare plan today, and
certainly would not require FICA taxes exceeding 10%. If President Lyndon
Johnson had proposed a supplemental medical/hospital plan along the lines of the
food stamp program, with strict means testing, taxpayers would be paying a lot
less than 2.9% out of their pockets for Medicare. (Medicaid is a means tested
program, but is administered by the states and has little accountability.)
Imagine if
President Johnson pushed through Congress a plan called "Food Care" to make the
food stamp program universal, so that everyone qualified for food stamps and
pays for the program through a special "Food Care" withholding tax on wages.
What effect would this universal "Food Care" plan have? Would we not face
unprecedented costs, red tape, abuse, and powerful vested interests lobbying for
better, more comprehensive "Food Care"? Would not the cost of food skyrocket?
And suppose "Food Care" did not cover snacks - wouldn't AARP and other lobbying
groups demand that the government cover snacks because their costs were rising
too fast? Ludwig von Mises was right: "Middle of the road policies lead to
socialism." Fortunately,
there is no nightmarish "Food Care" program. Granted there has been abuses and
waste in the food stamp program, but the problems of efficiency are few compared
to Medicare, all because of a simple means test. I believe
means testing is the best and simplest solution to the Social Security crisis.
Means testing is superior to all the other solutions, including raising the
qualifying age, or reducing monthly Social Security checks. There would be no
transition costs as there would be with privatization. With means testing
(measured by one's income tax return each year, including tax-exempt income), we
could reverse the cost of these programs and eliminate the projected future
deficits. And most importantly, means testing would reduce the number of
dependents on Social Security and Medicare to only those who really need it.
Ultimately, as more Americans become financial secure with their private
pensions and insurance plans, we could even see the day when the payroll tax
could be reduced to a reasonable level. Regards, Mark Skousen
Editor's Note:
Mark Skousen is editor of "Forecasts & Strategies" (www.markskousen.com), and a professor of
economics at Columbia University. He is the author of 20 books. He is the
producer of FreedomFest (www.freedomfest.com). Mark Skousen is the author of many
books, including The Making Of Modern Economics, an illustrated entertaining
history of the great economic thinkers from Adam Smith to Milton Friedman.
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